Why hasn't El Salvador's FMLN done more for you?
I have a new post on Strengthening El Salvador's rule of law on Al Jazeera.
In the op-ed, I recognize some of the social improvements that have occurred under the FMLN (even if some of them might have been originated under ARENA's Tony Saca). I think that we all see long-term social development as one of the most important hopes for a reduction in societal violence in El Salvador. However, these gains have been undermined through corruption, nepotism, and mismanagement.
As I wrote in the op-ed, one can't blame for the FMLN for all of these failures. I spoke to someone who works in the education ministry a few days ago and she told me that I wouldn't believe the intransigence of many of the employees tied to ARENA. They will not change their teaching philosophies (that's the way things have always been done), management techniques, or work habits (they don't like full work days would be too kind), no matter had badly existing ones at failing the people of El Salvador. I'm an educator and I understand how difficult change is even when it is not politicized to the extent it is in El Salvador.
Yes, it's difficult for the FMLN to pass legislation through Congress without a majority. They must negotiate with the other political parties. That's the essence of democracy. However, asking the ARENA party to compromise in a way that helps the FMLN pass legislation is difficult to say the least. We see how difficult, not impossible, it is for Republicans and Democrats to pass legislation here in the US. Again, like the US, there's is still an executive branch which can get many things done without Congressional approval. That's not ideal but is what happens in these highly polarized systems.
El Salvador's security system is a mess. The FMLN might have a long-term vision of where they want to be but they sure have a difficult time elaborating a plan on how to get there. Obviously, the security challenges are daunting, but Salvadorans expected more. It's a bad sign that I keep getting requests to clarify whether the FMLN has a security strategy. While I have little faith in the attorney general, prosecutors in general are overburdened. They have too many cases assigned to each prosecutor. They could use more money to hire additional prosecutors and to assist those already in office. I would prefer a CICIES to help maximize the benefits of greater financial assistance, but in the absence of a CICIES I would still support increasing the office's resources somehow.
I also told someone that a change in orientation might be helpful as well. In Guatemala, Paz y Paz, Aldana, and the MP's office have used their scarce resources to investigate criminal networks. They didn't have the resources to solve every crime so they went to dismantle networks engaged in a variety of criminal activities. It's not clear that El Salvador has, or can, pursue the same approach.
The mismanagement charge is disappointing as well. The FMLN gained tremendous experience during a decade of war and fifteen years as an opposition political party. During the post-war, the FMLN gained tremendous political experience in Congress and in several of the country's most important municipal governments. They have a large network of highly-trained professionals on which to rely for technical expertise. However, the FMLN has, at times, looked overwhelmed by the challenges before it.
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| Do not try this at home |
In the op-ed, I recognize some of the social improvements that have occurred under the FMLN (even if some of them might have been originated under ARENA's Tony Saca). I think that we all see long-term social development as one of the most important hopes for a reduction in societal violence in El Salvador. However, these gains have been undermined through corruption, nepotism, and mismanagement.
As I wrote in the op-ed, one can't blame for the FMLN for all of these failures. I spoke to someone who works in the education ministry a few days ago and she told me that I wouldn't believe the intransigence of many of the employees tied to ARENA. They will not change their teaching philosophies (that's the way things have always been done), management techniques, or work habits (they don't like full work days would be too kind), no matter had badly existing ones at failing the people of El Salvador. I'm an educator and I understand how difficult change is even when it is not politicized to the extent it is in El Salvador.
Yes, it's difficult for the FMLN to pass legislation through Congress without a majority. They must negotiate with the other political parties. That's the essence of democracy. However, asking the ARENA party to compromise in a way that helps the FMLN pass legislation is difficult to say the least. We see how difficult, not impossible, it is for Republicans and Democrats to pass legislation here in the US. Again, like the US, there's is still an executive branch which can get many things done without Congressional approval. That's not ideal but is what happens in these highly polarized systems.
El Salvador's security system is a mess. The FMLN might have a long-term vision of where they want to be but they sure have a difficult time elaborating a plan on how to get there. Obviously, the security challenges are daunting, but Salvadorans expected more. It's a bad sign that I keep getting requests to clarify whether the FMLN has a security strategy. While I have little faith in the attorney general, prosecutors in general are overburdened. They have too many cases assigned to each prosecutor. They could use more money to hire additional prosecutors and to assist those already in office. I would prefer a CICIES to help maximize the benefits of greater financial assistance, but in the absence of a CICIES I would still support increasing the office's resources somehow.
I also told someone that a change in orientation might be helpful as well. In Guatemala, Paz y Paz, Aldana, and the MP's office have used their scarce resources to investigate criminal networks. They didn't have the resources to solve every crime so they went to dismantle networks engaged in a variety of criminal activities. It's not clear that El Salvador has, or can, pursue the same approach.
The mismanagement charge is disappointing as well. The FMLN gained tremendous experience during a decade of war and fifteen years as an opposition political party. During the post-war, the FMLN gained tremendous political experience in Congress and in several of the country's most important municipal governments. They have a large network of highly-trained professionals on which to rely for technical expertise. However, the FMLN has, at times, looked overwhelmed by the challenges before it.
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